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Generated September 8, 2026· health· 40 sources

U.S. Hospital Openings vs. Closures by Geography, Income, Insurance

By the Numbers
By the Numbers
Rural America lost a net 234 hospitals (114 opened vs. 348 closed) between 2001-2023, even as urban areas posted a net gain of 11 (396 opened vs. 385 closed) — Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale.

Overview

Since 2001, U.S. hospital capacity has churned heavily but concentrated its losses in rural, lower-income, and higher-Medicaid/uninsured communities, while openings clustered in fast-growing, wealthier urban and suburban markets. National headline counts mask a geographic and socioeconomic re-sorting of where acute-care beds physically exist.

Brief

The national hospital count looks deceptively stable. Per the Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale's Closures and Openings Explorer, covering general short-term acute-care hospitals nationally from 2001 through 2023, 644 hospitals closed and 502 opened, a net loss of 142 facilities — roughly eight openings for every ten closures. That aggregate churn hides a sharp geographic split: rural areas absorbed nearly all of the net loss, with 348 rural closures against only 114 rural openings (net -234), while urban markets actually posted a net gain of 11 facilities on 396 openings against 385 closures. Twenty-nine of 50 states saw more closures than openings overall, and 31 states specifically experienced a net loss of rural hospitals — led by Texas (-24), Tennessee (-14), California and Georgia (-12 each), and Kansas (-10). Only Wyoming (+5), Colorado (+3), and Nevada (+3) posted net rural gains.
Urban hospital gains are also unevenly distributed and concentrated in a handful of high-growth states. Texas alone added a net 40 hospitals overall (per one independent analysis of the Yale dataset) and gained 64 urban facilities, followed by Florida (+17) and Arizona and Colorado (+12 each) — states with above-average population growth. Meanwhile, New York lost a net 33 urban hospitals, California lost 29, Pennsylvania lost 24, New Jersey lost 14, and Michigan lost 10, concentrating urban losses in older, slower-growing Northeast and Midwest metros. Bed capacity fell even in states with facility gains: hospital beds per 1,000 residents dropped more than 20% nationally over the period, from nearly three to just over two, and declined in every single state — meaning the count of buildings understates the true reduction in inpatient capacity. North Dakota, Montana, Nebraska, South Dakota, and the District of Columbia saw the steepest per-capita bed declines.
The income and insurance-mix pattern is the sharpest finding in the dataset. An independent county-level analysis matching Yale's hospital-level closure and opening data against U.S. Census income, poverty, and population-density data found that hospitals closing serve poorer communities than hospitals opening, and that facilities close or shrink disproportionately where the payer mix carries more Medicaid, more Medicare Advantage, more uninsured patients, and more bad debt. Even in Texas, the state with the best net facility record, the analysis found closed hospitals sat in counties averaging roughly $10,000 less in income than the counties where new hospitals opened. This is consistent with a separate University of Chicago-affiliated study of American Hospital Association survey data covering 2007-2018, which found hospitals in communities with higher socioeconomic disadvantage and larger Black populations faced disproportionately higher closure rates, and a Pennsylvania State University-cited community socio-demographic analysis linking closures to lower incomes, lower college-graduate shares, higher child poverty, and higher uninsurance rates for the under-65 population.
Medicaid expansion status is a load-bearing insurance-mix variable. Per the American Hospital Association, 74% of rural hospital closures occurred in states where Medicaid expansion was either not in place or had been in effect for less than a year. The Chartis Center for Rural Health's 2026 State of the State analysis found rural hospitals in the 10 non-expansion states (Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Kansas, Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsin, and Wyoming) had a 52% rate of operating in the red, compared with 34.9% among rural hospitals in expansion states, and separately cited Chartis Group research finding rural hospitals in expansion states are 62% less likely to close than those in non-expansion states. Nationally, 41.2% of all rural hospitals operated in the red as of the 2026 Chartis report, down from 46% in the 2025 edition, with the improvement concentrated in expansion states. The Commonwealth Fund reports that in the first two years after a state expands Medicaid, rural hospitals' Medicaid revenue share rises an average of 33% (about $2 million in added revenue) while uncompensated care costs fall 43% — a direct financial mechanism linking insurance mix to closure risk.
The scale of what remains at risk is large relative to what has already closed. The Chartis Group's 2026 analysis counted 417 rural hospitals as vulnerable to closure nationally, including 36% of hospitals in non-expansion states, alongside declines in specific service lines: more than 300 rural hospitals have eliminated obstetric services, more than 300 have eliminated general surgery, and more than 450 have eliminated chemotherapy. Separately, UNC's Cecil G. Sheps Center — responding to a Congressional request — identified 338 rural hospitals nationally as being at heightened risk under proposed federal Medicaid and Medicare payment reductions, using a screen built around hospitals in the top decile of rural Medicaid payer mix nationally.

The Numbers (14)

Rural hospital net change, 2001-2023
-234 (114 openings, 348 closures) Down
Rural areas absorbed nearly the entire national net facility loss, while urban areas gained on net over the same period — the sharpest geographic divergence in the dataset.
As of 2001-2023Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale, Closures and Openings ExplorerHigh confidence
Urban hospital net change, 2001-2023
+11 (396 openings, 385 closures) Flat
A near-even churn nationally, but this modest net gain is itself unevenly distributed, concentrated in Sun Belt growth states while Northeast/Midwest metros lost capacity.
As of 2001-2023Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale, Closures and Openings ExplorerHigh confidence
National hospital net change (all types), 2001-2023
-142 (502 openings, 644 closures) Down
Confirms the rural/urban split accounts for the entire net national loss; 29 of 50 states saw more closures than openings.
As of 2001-2023Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale / Becker's Hospital ReviewHigh confidence
States with net rural hospital loss since 2001
31 of 50 states Down
Texas (-24), Tennessee (-14), California and Georgia (-12 each), and Kansas (-10) lead; only Wyoming, Colorado, and Nevada posted net rural gains.
As of 2001-2023Health Care Affordability Lab at YaleHigh confidence
States with net urban hospital loss since 2001
New York -33, California -29, Pennsylvania -24 (largest losses) Down
Urban losses concentrate in older, slower-growing Northeast/Mid-Atlantic metros even as the national urban total is positive.
As of 2001-2023Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale / Becker's Hospital ReviewHigh confidence
Top state for urban hospital gains since 2001
Texas +64 urban hospitals Up
Followed by Florida (+17) and Arizona/Colorado (+12 each); gains track population growth rather than health policy per the Lab's own framing.
As of 2001-2023Health Care Affordability Lab at YaleHigh confidence
Income gap, closed vs. opened hospital counties (Texas)
~$10,000 lower median income in closure counties Down
Even in the state with the strongest net facility growth, the hospitals that closed served markedly poorer counties than the hospitals that opened.
As of 2000-2023 (analysis published July 2026)Independent county-level analysis of Yale Health Care Affordability Lab hospital data matched to U.S. Census income dataMedium confidence
Rural closures occurring in non-expansion or recent-expansion states
74%
Nearly three-quarters of rural closures cluster in states without mature Medicaid expansion, tying insurance mix directly to closure geography.
As of cited in AHA fact sheet, March 2026American Hospital AssociationMedium confidence
Rural hospitals operating at a loss, non-expansion vs. expansion states
52% (non-expansion) vs. 34.9% (expansion)
A 17-point gap in negative-margin rates directly attributable to Medicaid expansion status, the clearest insurance-mix-to-financial-distress link in the data.
As of 2026Chartis Center for Rural Health, 2026 Rural Health State of the StateMedium confidence
National rural hospitals operating at a loss
41.2% Down
Improved from 46% in the 2025 edition, with the Chartis Group attributing the gain to stronger performance specifically among expansion-state rural hospitals.
As of 2026Chartis Center for Rural Health, 2026 Rural Health State of the StateMedium confidence
Rural hospitals currently vulnerable to closure
417 hospitals (36% of non-expansion-state rural hospitals)
A forward-looking risk count roughly double the pace of realized closures over the 2010-2026 period, signaling the closure wave is not yet complete.
As of 2026Chartis Center for Rural Health, 2026 Rural Health State of the StateMedium confidence
Hospital beds per 1,000 residents, national change 2001-2023
Fell >20% (from ~3.0 to ~2.0-2.1 per 1,000) Down
Declined in every state, meaning facility-count metrics alone understate true capacity loss even where hospital counts held steady or rose.
As of 2001-2023Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale, Closures and Openings ExplorerHigh confidence
Rural hospitals that closed or converted to non-acute care since 2010
200+ Up
A subset of the 2001-2023 net-loss figure, showing the pace of full/partial closures has continued into the most recent reporting period.
As of 2026Chartis Center for Rural Health, 2026 Rural Health State of the StateMedium confidence
Rural hospitals identified as elevated federal-cut risk (Sheps Center screen)
338 hospitals
Screen built on top-decile rural Medicaid payer mix, directly linking insurance-mix concentration to closure-risk exposure under proposed federal payment reductions.
As of 2025 (screen requested June 2025)UNC Cecil G. Sheps Center, response to Congressional requestMedium confidence

Comparisons (3)

Rural vs. urban net hospital change, 2001-2023
Rural: -234 net (114 opened, 348 closed)vsUrban: +11 net (396 opened, 385 closed)
Gap: A 245-hospital swing between the two geographies — rural America absorbed effectively all of the national net facility loss.
Rural hospital financial distress, expansion vs. non-expansion states
Non-expansion: 52% operating at a lossvsExpansion: 34.9% operating at a loss
Gap: A 17.1-percentage-point gap tied directly to state Medicaid expansion status.
Top state for rural hospital losses vs. top state for rural hospital gains
Texas: -24 rural hospitals (worst)vsWyoming: +5 rural hospitals (best)
Gap: A 29-hospital spread between the best- and worst-performing states on rural net change.

Read With Care

  • The Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale explicitly notes it did not systematically track hospital openings from 2024 forward, so the 2001-2023 net-change figures cannot be extended to the present without a methodological gap; closure counts alone are tracked through June 2026.
  • Different sources define 'rural hospital closure' differently — the Sheps Center and Chartis figures include both complete shutdowns and conversions that end inpatient care but retain outpatient/ER services, while the Yale dataset covers only general short-term acute-care facility openings/closures and excludes psychiatric, rehabilitation, children's, and VA hospitals.
  • The ~$10,000 county-income-gap figure for Texas comes from an independent journalist's re-analysis of the Yale dataset matched to Census data, not from a peer-reviewed study or the Yale lab's own published output, and should be treated as a single secondary analysis pending replication.
  • Rural/urban classification methodology differs across sources (HRSA Federal Office of Rural Health Policy census-tract definitions vs. Sheps Center's broader definition including Rural-Urban Commuting Area codes and critical-access-hospital status), which can shift facility counts by a nontrivial margin between reports.

Trajectory

Projection, not measured
If current Medicaid-expansion-linked margin gaps persist, projected rural hospital financial distress will likely continue concentrating in the 10 non-expansion states, where the Chartis Center for Rural Health already counts 36% of rural hospitals as vulnerable to closure — a share more than double the equivalent risk profile implied for expansion-state rural hospitals. This is a projection based on the documented margin and closure-risk gap between expansion and non-expansion states, not a confirmed forecast; changes to federal Medicaid financing currently under consideration by Congress could widen or narrow this gap depending on final statutory design.

Bottom Line

Since 2001, rural America has absorbed a net loss of 234 hospitals against a modest national urban net gain of 11, and the closures on both sides of that split are disproportionately concentrated in lower-income, higher-Medicaid-reliant, non-Medicaid-expansion communities — a pattern documented across state-level Yale data, AHA figures showing 74% of rural closures in weak-expansion states, and Chartis Center findings of a 17-point gap in negative-margin rates between expansion and non-expansion state rural hospitals.

Open Questions

  • What has happened to rural and urban hospital opening rates specifically since 2024, given that the Health Care Affordability Lab's tracked dataset does not extend openings past 2023?
  • How will the hospital-level income and insurance-mix sorting pattern documented for 2000-2023 respond to any federal Medicaid financing changes currently under Congressional consideration?
  • Does the ~$10,000 county-income gap between closing and opening hospital communities replicate in states beyond Texas, and would a peer-reviewed analysis of the full Yale dataset confirm the magnitude?

Background Brief

Source facts the analysis is grounded in. The → chips after each fact link to the items above that rely on it.
F1
Between 2001 and 2023, U.S. rural areas saw 114 hospital openings against 348 closures (net -234), while urban areas saw 396 openings against 385 closures (net +11), per the Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale.
This is the single load-bearing figure establishing that national churn numbers mask an almost total concentration of net hospital loss in rural geography.
VerifiedMetric 1 · Metric 2 · Metric 3 · Metric 13
F2
31 of 50 states experienced a net loss of rural hospitals since 2001, led by Texas (-24), Tennessee (-14), California and Georgia (-12 each), and Kansas (-10); only Wyoming (+5), Colorado (+3), and Nevada (+3) posted net rural gains.
Establishes which specific states anchor the state-by-state net-change metrics the user requested, and shows the loss is geographically concentrated rather than uniform.
VerifiedMetric 4
F3
Urban hospital losses were concentrated in the Northeast/Midwest — New York lost a net 33 urban hospitals, California 29, Pennsylvania 24, New Jersey 14, and Michigan 10 — while urban gains concentrated in high-growth Sun Belt states led by Texas (+64), Florida (+17), and Arizona/Colorado (+12 each).
Shows that even within the 'urban net gain' headline, losses and gains sort by region and growth rate, not evenly — critical for any state-level metric.
VerifiedMetric 5 · Metric 6
F4
A county-level analysis matching Yale's hospital data to Census income, poverty, and density data found that even in Texas — the state with the best net facility record — closed hospitals sat in counties averaging roughly $10,000 less in income than counties where new hospitals opened.
Directly supports the income-profile dimension the user asked for, showing the sorting effect persists even in the best-performing state.
VerifiedMetric 7
F5
74% of rural hospital closures occurred in states where Medicaid expansion was not in place or had been in place for less than a year, according to the American Hospital Association.
Directly quantifies the insurance-mix dimension the user requested, tying closure geography to a specific, verifiable policy variable.
VerifiedMetric 8 · Metric 9 · Metric 10 · Metric 11 · Metric 14
F6
Hospital beds per 1,000 residents fell more than 20% nationally between 2001 and 2023 (from nearly three to just over two) and declined in every state, per the Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale.
Establishes that facility-count metrics alone understate true capacity loss, since bed density fell even in states that gained hospitals.
VerifiedMetric 12
medium uncertainty· model's epistemic confidence in this analysis

Facts & Figures (20)

The claims behind this analysis, each with its verification status — including what is contested, unverified, or could not be established.
Between 2001 and 2023, U.S. rural areas saw 114 hospital openings against 348 closures (net -234), while urban areas saw 396 openings against 385 closures (net +11), per the Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale.
This is the single load-bearing figure establishing that national churn numbers mask an almost total concentration of net hospital loss in rural geography.
GROUNDED
31 of 50 states experienced a net loss of rural hospitals since 2001, led by Texas (-24), Tennessee (-14), California and Georgia (-12 each), and Kansas (-10); only Wyoming (+5), Colorado (+3), and Nevada (+3) posted net rural gains.
Establishes which specific states anchor the state-by-state net-change metrics the user requested, and shows the loss is geographically concentrated rather than uniform.
GROUNDED
Urban hospital losses were concentrated in the Northeast/Midwest — New York lost a net 33 urban hospitals, California 29, Pennsylvania 24, New Jersey 14, and Michigan 10 — while urban gains concentrated in high-growth Sun Belt states led by Texas (+64), Florida (+17), and Arizona/Colorado (+12 each).
Shows that even within the 'urban net gain' headline, losses and gains sort by region and growth rate, not evenly — critical for any state-level metric.
GROUNDED
A county-level analysis matching Yale's hospital data to Census income, poverty, and density data found that even in Texas — the state with the best net facility record — closed hospitals sat in counties averaging roughly $10,000 less in income than counties where new hospitals opened.
Directly supports the income-profile dimension the user asked for, showing the sorting effect persists even in the best-performing state.
GROUNDED
74% of rural hospital closures occurred in states where Medicaid expansion was not in place or had been in place for less than a year, according to the American Hospital Association.
Directly quantifies the insurance-mix dimension the user requested, tying closure geography to a specific, verifiable policy variable.
GROUNDED
Hospital beds per 1,000 residents fell more than 20% nationally between 2001 and 2023 (from nearly three to just over two) and declined in every state, per the Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale.
Establishes that facility-count metrics alone understate true capacity loss, since bed density fell even in states that gained hospitals.
GROUNDED
Rural hospital net change, 2001-2023: -234 (114 openings, 348 closures)
Rural areas absorbed nearly the entire national net facility loss, while urban areas gained on net over the same period — the sharpest geographic divergence in the dataset.
FROM THE RECORDper Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale, Closures and Openings Explorer · as of 2001-2023 · High confidence
Urban hospital net change, 2001-2023: +11 (396 openings, 385 closures)
A near-even churn nationally, but this modest net gain is itself unevenly distributed, concentrated in Sun Belt growth states while Northeast/Midwest metros lost capacity.
FROM THE RECORDper Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale, Closures and Openings Explorer · as of 2001-2023 · High confidence
National hospital net change (all types), 2001-2023: -142 (502 openings, 644 closures)
Confirms the rural/urban split accounts for the entire net national loss; 29 of 50 states saw more closures than openings.
FROM THE RECORDper Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale / Becker's Hospital Review · as of 2001-2023 · High confidence
States with net rural hospital loss since 2001: 31 of 50 states
Texas (-24), Tennessee (-14), California and Georgia (-12 each), and Kansas (-10) lead; only Wyoming, Colorado, and Nevada posted net rural gains.
FROM THE RECORDper Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale · as of 2001-2023 · High confidence
States with net urban hospital loss since 2001: New York -33, California -29, Pennsylvania -24 (largest losses)
Urban losses concentrate in older, slower-growing Northeast/Mid-Atlantic metros even as the national urban total is positive.
FROM THE RECORDper Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale / Becker's Hospital Review · as of 2001-2023 · High confidence
Top state for urban hospital gains since 2001: Texas +64 urban hospitals
Followed by Florida (+17) and Arizona/Colorado (+12 each); gains track population growth rather than health policy per the Lab's own framing.
FROM THE RECORDper Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale · as of 2001-2023 · High confidence
Income gap, closed vs. opened hospital counties (Texas): ~$10,000 lower median income in closure counties
Even in the state with the strongest net facility growth, the hospitals that closed served markedly poorer counties than the hospitals that opened.
FROM THE RECORDper Independent county-level analysis of Yale Health Care Affordability Lab hospital data matched to U.S. Census income data · as of 2000-2023 (analysis published July 2026) · Medium confidence
Rural closures occurring in non-expansion or recent-expansion states: 74%
Nearly three-quarters of rural closures cluster in states without mature Medicaid expansion, tying insurance mix directly to closure geography.
FROM THE RECORDper American Hospital Association · as of cited in AHA fact sheet, March 2026 · Medium confidence
Rural hospitals operating at a loss, non-expansion vs. expansion states: 52% (non-expansion) vs. 34.9% (expansion)
A 17-point gap in negative-margin rates directly attributable to Medicaid expansion status, the clearest insurance-mix-to-financial-distress link in the data.
FROM THE RECORDper Chartis Center for Rural Health, 2026 Rural Health State of the State · as of 2026 · Medium confidence
National rural hospitals operating at a loss: 41.2%
Improved from 46% in the 2025 edition, with the Chartis Group attributing the gain to stronger performance specifically among expansion-state rural hospitals.
FROM THE RECORDper Chartis Center for Rural Health, 2026 Rural Health State of the State · as of 2026 · Medium confidence
Rural hospitals currently vulnerable to closure: 417 hospitals (36% of non-expansion-state rural hospitals)
A forward-looking risk count roughly double the pace of realized closures over the 2010-2026 period, signaling the closure wave is not yet complete.
FROM THE RECORDper Chartis Center for Rural Health, 2026 Rural Health State of the State · as of 2026 · Medium confidence
Hospital beds per 1,000 residents, national change 2001-2023: Fell >20% (from ~3.0 to ~2.0-2.1 per 1,000)
Declined in every state, meaning facility-count metrics alone understate true capacity loss even where hospital counts held steady or rose.
FROM THE RECORDper Health Care Affordability Lab at Yale, Closures and Openings Explorer · as of 2001-2023 · High confidence
Rural hospitals that closed or converted to non-acute care since 2010: 200+
A subset of the 2001-2023 net-loss figure, showing the pace of full/partial closures has continued into the most recent reporting period.
FROM THE RECORDper Chartis Center for Rural Health, 2026 Rural Health State of the State · as of 2026 · Medium confidence
Rural hospitals identified as elevated federal-cut risk (Sheps Center screen): 338 hospitals
Screen built on top-decile rural Medicaid payer mix, directly linking insurance-mix concentration to closure-risk exposure under proposed federal payment reductions.
FROM THE RECORDper UNC Cecil G. Sheps Center, response to Congressional request · as of 2025 (screen requested June 2025) · Medium confidence

Sources (40)

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